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From A-lists to webtifadas: Developments in the Lebanese blogosphere 2005-2006Icon indicating an associated article is peer reviewed

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For long-term observers of Lebanon, the result of this new hybrid form of public opinion, analysis and journalism elicited a deeply interesting debate about central topics in Lebanon’s past and present. However, the equation between blogs and public opinion, or even “the true voices of the Arab street” as some journalists have dubbed them, should be taken with a grain of salt and certainly not mistaken for democratisation in any institutional sense of the word.[24] The Lebanese blogosphere as it emerged in 2005 was not a platform for “the Lebanese people,” but for educated commentators. At the same time, blogs did widen the margin for political commentary and social critique by drawing in younger people with less established opinions than those normally seen in the Lebanese media. It may even have broken a monopoly of middle aged journalists on shaping public opinion. Certainly, the Lebanese blogosphere has created new and vital linkages between diaspora groups and Lebanon, and between academia and the press.

Although some Lebanese blogs date back to the early 2000s, the appearance of an actual Lebanese blogosphere with internal debate and wide readership was a direct result of the Independence Intifada.[25] Some early blogs were administered by young protagonists in the popular demonstrations that filled Martyr’s Square in Beirut and exiles with close connections to the demonstrators, while others were run by established commentators associated with the academic world, the media or political institutions whose interests extended beyond Lebanon. A few of the key voices deserve mention. As’ad AbuKhalil, Middle East scholar at California State University, Stanislaus, is “the Angry Arab.” His blog Angry Arab News Service contains commentaries on all of the Middle East but particularly Palestine and Lebanon (see also Will Ward’s article in this issue for analysis of AbuKhalil).[26] The postings are often brief, sarcastic quips on events in Arab politics and media, but the site also contains art, poetry and comments on American policies in the Middle East. AbuKhalil is known as the “über” leftist of the Middle East (studies) blogosphere. His analyses during and after the Independence Intifada tended to be highly critical of Christian politicians, the Hariri family and others seen to be colluding with the West. 

Although often derided by Lebanese bloggers, AbuKhalil is widely read for his own readings of the Lebanese and Arab press. In addition, he can take pride in being a lone voice in the Lebanese blogosphere, persistently critiquing the Independence Intifada and its leaders. Most other bloggers appearing on the scene in 2005 were younger than AbuKhalil (who is 45 years old) and sympathised with the demonstrators on March 14 2005 and the so-called “March 14” alliance of Christian, Druze and Sunni politicians. One example is Lebanese Bloggers, a blogger collective composed of Lebanese in their twenties writing from Beirut, the US and the UK.[27] Similar popular blogs in this category include Beirut Spring and Lebanese Political Journal.[28] Apart from discussions about topics such as Lebanon’s sectarian system, the ailing Lebanese economy, the Hariri family and Hizbullah, Lebanese identity was a recurrent issue on these “centrist” blogs during and after the Independence Intifada. Some of these blogs specialised in cultural issues and some wrote about life in exile, but by far the greatest number tackled regional and Lebanese politics.[29] In this genre, Across the Bay and From Beirut to Beltway are still among the most well written and widely quoted blogs.[30] Both are written by Lebanese in the US, and both are diametrically opposed to the leftist critique of As’ad AbuKhalil, who they accuse of being overly focused on Western “neo-colonialism” rather than critiquing the neglect of Arab governments (see also Vivian Salama’s article on Arab American Bloggers in this issue). Although many younger bloggers may agree with AbuKhalil’s secular ideals, they made it clear in their postings that they have no time for political correctness. They regard AbuKhalil as “a hypocrite [who] kills us with the Edward Said anti-essentialization argument but insists on some essentialized core of Lebanese identity,” in the words of Tony Badran of Across the Bay.[31]

Like many other Lebanese bloggers, Badran is just as interested in Syria and the wider Middle East as in Lebanon and participates in what could be called the Middle East studies blogosphere.[32] Since 2005, Across the Bay has become essential reading for many Middle East analysts. The same can be said about its political opponent, Syria Comment, written by American Middle East scholar and Syria connoisseur Joshua Landis.[33] Landis is often accused by anti-regime activists of pleading the Syrian government’s cause. None the less, his analyses are always well informed and widely read by journalists and academics. Even if one disagrees with AbuKhalil, Badran and Landis, their blogs inform and enlighten, not only by their own postings, but by the way they tune in to the general debate by quoting Arab and Western media and by linking to interesting sites and, not least, interesting blogs. They are part of an “A-list” of Lebanese bloggers who are widely read and quoted. Crucially, they posses an essential skill required for survival in the blogosphere, namely sharp, identifiable opinions.

One can be on trial in the blogosphere. But in order to sustain a membership, one must continue producing good work. In that respect blogging is no different than a real journalistic career. Just like journalists depend on readers who are willing to buy their opinions, bloggers only become part of the linked-up blogosphere if other bloggers quote them and readers leave comments. Although publishing on the Internet is free, it still in many ways resembles the market of print media. Many of the blogs that emerged out of the Independence Intifada did not manage to market themselves as sharply as the “A-list.” Their postings were not quoted sufficiently to become part of the ongoing debate and either stayed in very confined circles—to the effect that only friends left comments—or were eventually put on the back burner. In early 2006, a year after the end of the Independence Intifada, the bloggers keeping the discussion going were almost exclusively Beirut and US-based academics or university students, whose blogging activity often worked as an extension of other work as policy analysts, activists or teachers, which in turn was reflected in their reader groups of students, Middle East analysts, journalists and other bloggers.

A quick glance over the profiles of Lebanese bloggers proves that the blogosphere is not “the voice of the street” but rather a privileged space for young, Anglophone, with-it students and professionals. Out of the approximately three hundred Lebanese blogs listed by the search-engine Technocrati and the blog Lebanon Heart Blogs in September 2006, the blog profiles revealed that 232 were written by university students or young professionals based in Lebanon, Europe, America and Canada.[34] This pattern corresponds with studies of the formation of similar user groups on the Internet. Despite some truth to the myth that “anyone can be a blogger” and that the blogosphere therefore is a uniquely democratic space, socio-economic factors effectively favour academics, journalists and certain other professions. Personal networks and “A-lists” of bloggers also influence who gains attention. Literacy, access to computers, language, knowledge and cultural capital more generally, as well as the time commitment required if one is to build reputation and integrate oneself into online debate time, all serve to skew the distribution of those involved in blogging.[35]

Webtifadas and mudslinging in the 2006 War

During the July war between Israel and Hizbullah and the Israeli bombardment of Lebanon, Lebanese blogs made a return to form and again became many Internet users’ favourite medium for debate and coverage of the events in Lebanon (see also Will Ward’s article on bloggers and mass media coverage of the war). Just like in the spring of 2005, the latest crisis in Lebanon created a surge of interest and activity in the blogosphere, underlining its unique potential for direct, interactive grass-roots journalism. This time the human stakes were higher and public interest more profound. As a result, the Lebanese blogosphere expanded dramatically, particularly inside Lebanon, where hundreds of new blogs were launched. Many of them were urged by desperation and the need to communicate. During the worst bombardments blogs played a role similar to that played by the popular radio host Sharif Al Akhawi whose reports in the 1970s and 1980s explained to civilians which roads were safe to take and which were treacherous due to shelling in the Lebanese civil war.[36]  

Blogs are primarily spread by the modern word-of-mouth that is emailing. In the flurry of emails circulating between friends of Lebanon and Lebanese during the 2006 war, new blogs would regularly be quoted and recommended. Everybody had their own favourites. Readers of the Daily Star, and particularly the net-savvy journalists, activists and academics in the ex-pat circles around Beirut’s English-language paper, privileged blogs such as Siege of Lebanon, where Daily Star staff writers Sonja Knox, Jim Quilty and Ramsay Short produced some fine pieces of war journalism.[37] Others read the blogs of friends and acquaintances in Lebanon, which would in turn inspire them to read other blogs recommended or quoted on those pages. Some blogs, like artist Mazen Kerbaj’s Kerblog, dealt in very personal descriptions of life under siege, in his case through high-quality drawings and cartoons.[38] Others worked as outlets for relief organisations.[39] Judging from the number of times they were linked on other blogs, syndicates of writers like July 2006 War on Lebanon, Lebanese Bloggers (one of the most durable Independence Intifada blogs), and Electroniclebanon (launched during the war as part of the Electronic Intifada site dedicated to information and debate about Palestine) were among the most popular blogs.[40] Particularly individual bloggers with existent networks who ensured them publicity on the Internet, like writer and curator Rasha Salti whose Siege Notes made for compelling reading, became widely used gateways to the conflict.[41] Salti painted a panoramic picture of life in Beirut, of empty streets and huddled refugees, of broken lives and general confusion. In one posting, she reported “almost live” from Beirut cafes:

I have been in the café for one hour now. This is what I have heard so far: A text message traveled to my friend’s cell phone: A breaking news item from Israeli military command. If Hizballah does not stop shelling Galilee and northern towns, Israel will hit the entire electricity network of Lebanon. Hizballah shells Haifa, Safad and colonies in south Golan. A text message traveled to my other friend’s cell phone, from an expatriate who left for Damascus and is catching a flight back to London. “All flights out of Damascus are canceled. Do you know anything?” An Israeli shell fell near the house of the bartender. His family is stranded in the middle of rubble in Hadath. He leaps out of the café and frantically calls to secure passage for them to the mountains. Hizballah claims to down an F-16 Israeli plane near Hadath, bringing slight jubilation to a café that thrives on denial.[42] 

The above quote illustrates how far discussions in real as well as virtual cafés are from Habermasian “rational discourse.” During conflict, confusion, fears, rumours, intimacies and strategies invariably shape public interaction. There is no guarantee for mutual respect between antagonists when life is at stake. Some people lie, while others specialise in ridiculing the other side’s viewpoints. Within these limits, three forms of discursive interaction on blogs are possible. First, blogs can become spaces for “mudslinging” between opposite viewpoints which meet without approaching each other with respect or engaging in rational discourse. Second, blogs can become “cleansed” spaces for agreement and propaganda. Finally, they can become tempered spaces where opposite viewpoints argue rationally, not necessarily reaching agreement but at least engaging in critical and respectful discourse. All three scenarios could be observed during the war.

The comments section on blogs, which enables readers to leave comments and discuss the issues raised in a posting, is where most of the mud was slung. These dialogues can be sequences of up to several hundred comments. Tensions often ran high between Lebanese supporters and critics of Hizbullah. But the ultimate test of the blogosphere’s ability to create a space for opposite opinions to see “face to face” was the clash of Israeli and Lebanese commentators on blogs like Lebanese Bloggers. In the first week of the war, the two sides were still able to share their analyses and agree to disagree. But as the death toll of civilian Lebanese started to mount, a profound gap opened up, and conversation became nearly impossible. In one instance, Israelis applauded a critical post by the writer Raji on Hassan Nasrallah. Lebanese commentators responded sharply and the comments page quickly degenerated into mudslinging over who was to blame for the war.[43] By the second week of the war, Israeli-Lebanese “debate” on most blogs had become accusations peppered with racist remarks, and eventually some blog moderators chose to close their comments page temporarily.

Even in times of relative peace, comments pages often appear as the “pleb” of the blogosphere for those who favour shouting matches over arguments and debate. Whereas there are restrictions on who can find the time to write blogs, anyone with Internet access can log in, read an entry and leave a comment. The comment section is therefore often more open to idiosyncratic rants. Particularly very opinionated blogs like The Angry Arab News Service routinely attract angry commentary. Although blogs do create interaction of opposite views, the result is far from always rational dialogue. The war in Lebanon certainly did not increase the prospects of respectful discourse. Rather, it furthered propagandistic tendencies and often created situations where bloggers and commentators would lob accusations at opponents.

More tempered ways of disagreement also exist. Some ridicule the other’s standpoint, expose their double standards or cite authoritative voices against them. Citations, as Jon Alterman has noted, play an increasingly important role in political debates about the Middle East taking place on the Web. Wide access to translations from Arab media makes it easy for anyone to cut, paste and quote out of context in support of whichever argument.[44] In Alterman’s view, the Internet is “democratising” expertise on the Middle East. More importantly, quotations play a key role in the way bloggers argue. The rationality of an argument is often constructed around quotes or hyperlinks to other entries on the same blog or elsewhere on the Internet. By positioning his or her blog in a dialogical relationship with other texts, bloggers often seek to establish an authoritative voice or ridicule opponents. These voices, and the links that connect the reader to them, are almost exclusively based on texts on the Internet. Most Lebanese bloggers use quotes to ridicule, and there is a whole sub-genre of sarcastic blogs which reflect the general cynicism of the young generation towards Lebanese politics in the aftermath of the Independence Intifada.[45] Postings on blogs like Jamal’s Propaganda Site often amount to a sweeping social critique of sectarianism and the role the Lebanese have themselves played in their country’s malaise, thus undermining official nationalist discourses. For example, consider this funny take on a rant commonly heard in Lebanon against hal-balad (this country):

Hal Balad" is the most bitched about thing around here. This expression is always used in a culpatory tone. Whenever you need to highlight a flaw in this country, and we have a handful of those around, you blame it all on "Hal Balad." You cant' find a job in "Hal Balad."...People in "Hal Balad" are full of crap..."Hal Balad" is all about corruption...The humidity in "Hal Balad" is unbearable... I hate thee people that use this expression. Not because of your incessant whining, nor because of your criticism of my beloved country, but for the helpless guilt free victim image that you have of yourself." Hal Balad" is nothing but a reflection of your sorry ass. You pass your sense of irresponsibility to those you empower to roam free with no worry of accountability. Then there are those who romanticize "Hal Balad" and fantacize about "Hal Balad" from afar. Sure you all love "Hal Balad", the summer vacation one night stand kind of love, that is why you abandon it at the drop of a Dirham. "Hal Balad" is not your Balad. Your "Hal Balad" is a farce. "Hal Balad" today is bleeding, almost dead. I say we finish it off and bury it deep. Let's build our Lebanon instead.[46]

Here, criticism of Lebanon is turned on its head and becomes criticism of the Lebanese. Jamal (in the blogosphere since September 2005) is part of a new group of bloggers that emerged after the end of the Independence Intifada. The July War has added a whole new undergrowth of blogs which, although less prolific than the well-argued, regularly updated, tightly interconnected first generation, mark an important transition in the Lebanese blogosphere. As the war went into its second week, bombings intensified and Lebanon was closed off from the outside world by an air and sea blockade, a range of smaller blogs run by people without a large network started to emerge. The new additions include art blogs, new blogger collectives, very personal blogs and blogs written in Arabic.[47] These blogs were fuelled by the urge to speak out and describe what was happening, and to engage in a collective movement of cyber-resistance or “webtifada.” Artist Mazen Kerbaj’s first postings illustrate the sense of desperation that prompted people to log on to the blogosphere:

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1 Qana was the site of mass killings of civilians on July 30, 2006 as well as during the last Israeli invasion in 1996.

2 Marc Lynch, The New Arab Public Sphere - Iraq, Al-Jazeera, and Middle East Politics Today (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), 125-38.

3 The scope of this article is somewhat limited by the fact that time constraint did not allow me to interview bloggers and interact with blog users in Lebanon. Research that examines the production and consumption of blogs must be called for.

4 Andreas Kluth, "Among the Audience - a Survey of the New Media," The Economist, no. April 22 (2006).

5 Peter Lewis, "Invasion of the Podcast People: Blogs Are So 2004," Fortune Magazine 152, no. 2 (2005).

6 Kluth, "Among the Audience - a Survey of the New Media."

7 Rebecca Blood, Weblogs: A History and Perspective (www.rebeccablood.net/essays/weblog.history.html, 2006 [cited).

8 According to Internet World Stats, there are around seventeen million Internet users in the Arab Middle East, equalling less than 10% of the population. In comparison, 69% of North Americans and 52% of Europeans are Internet users. http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats5.htm.

9 Imprisonment of Arab bloggers are regularly reported on the “metablog on Arab blogs,” http://arabblogandpoliticalcommunication.blogspot.com/.

10 For an overview over Arab blogs in English, see http://www.al-bab.com/arab/blogs.htm.

11 Alireza Doostdar, "The Vulgar Spririt of Blogging: On Language, Culture and Power in Persian Weblogistan," American Anthropologist 106, no. 4 (2004), 654-57.

12 Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1989). In this much-quoted book, Habermas explored the emergence of a literary public in 1800-century Europe through novels and journals—the new media of that time—and spaces for their readership such as coffeehouses and salons. Since its translation into English in the 1989, Habermas’ work has been the standard theoretical reference in most discussions about public life, public spheres and new media.

13 Samule M. Wilson and Leighton L. Peterson, "The Anthropology of Online Communities," Annual Review of Anthropology 31, no. 1 (2002).

14 Jon Alterman, New Media, New Politics? : From Satellite Television to the Internet in the Arab World (Washjngton: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1998).

15 Lynch, The New Arab Public Sphere - Iraq, Al-Jazeera, and Middle East Politics Today, chapter two.

16 Michael C. Hudson, "On the Influence of the Intellectual in Arab Politics and Policymaking," Journal of Social Affairs 22, no. 88 (2005).

17 Doostdar, "The Vulgar Spririt of Blogging: On Language, Culture and Power in Persian Weblogistan."

18 Seyla Benhabib, "The Embattled Public Sphere: Hannah Arendt, Jürgen Habermas and Beyond," in Reasoning Practically, ed. Edna Ulmann-Margalit (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). For new approaches to the public sphere away from the Habmersian ideal, see Craig J. Calhoun, Habermas and the Public Sphere, Studies in Contemporary German Social Thought (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1992), John Michael Roberts and Nick Crossley, eds., After Habermas - New Perspectives on the Public Sphere (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2004), Michael Warner, Publics and Counterpublics (New York: Zone Books, 2002).

19 James Bohman, "Expanding Dialogue: The Internet, the Public Sphere and Prospects for Transnational Democracy," in After Habermas: New Perspectives on the Public Sphere, ed. Nick Crossley and John Michael Roberts (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2004), 133-35.

20 Sue Vice, Introducing Bakhtin (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997), 18-44.

21 Bohman, "Expanding Dialogue: The Internet, the Public Sphere and Prospects for Transnational Democracy," 139-40. See also M. Froomkin, "Habermas@Discourse.Net: Towards a Critical Theory of Cyberspace," Harvard Law Review 16 (2003).

22 Jon W. Anderson, "The Internet and Islam's New Interpretors," in New Media in the Muslim World: The Emerging Public Sphere, ed. Dale Eickelman (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1999).

23 For “counterpublics” in the Independence Intifada, see Sune Haugbolle, "Spatial Transformations in the Lebanese Independence Intifada," Arab Studies Journal 12, no.3 (2006).

24 Mona Eltahawy of Asharq Alawsat, quoted by William Fisher in the Daily Star, 21/3, 2005.

25 Some of the earliest Lebanese blogs were Across the bay and www.blissstreetjournal.blogspot.com (both 2004).

26 www.angryarab.blogspot.com.

27 www.lebanesebloggers.blogspot.com.

28 www.beirutspring.blogspot.com, www.lebop.blogspot.com.

29 www.lebaneseabroad.blogspot.com

30 www.beirut2bayside.blogspot.com and www.beirutbeltway.com.

31 Tony Badran, interviewed in the Daily Star, 10/3, 2006.

32 Other important Middle East studies blogs include Juan Cole’s Informed Comment (www.juancole.com) and Martin Kramer’s Sandbox (www.martinkramer.org/index.html).

33 ww.faculty-staff.ou.edu/L/Joshua.M.Landis-1/syriablog.

34 www.lebanonheartblogs.blogspot.com.

35 Andrew Ó Baoill, "Weblogs and the Public Sphere," Into the Blogsphere (2004).

36 Elise Adib Salem, Constructing Lebanon - a Century of Literary Narratives (Gainesvilles: University of Florida Press, 2003), 111.

37 www.siegeoflebanon.blogspot.com, beirutlive.blogspot.com. See also Kaelen Wilson-Goldie, in The Daily Star, 3/8, 2006.

38 www.pkblogs.com/mazenkerblog.

39 www.lebanonupdates.blogspot.com and www.samidoun.blogspot.com.

40 www.july2006waronlebanon.blogspot.com, www.electronicintifada.net/lebanon.

41 www.rashasalti.blogspot.com. See also Rasha Salti, "Siege Notes," MERIP 240 (2006).

42 Ibid.

43 www.Lebanesebloggers.blogspot.com/2006_07_01_Lebanese bloggers_archive.html.

44 Jon Alterman: “A proganda war that can be lost in translation,” in Financial Times. 23/8, 2006.

45 www.jamalghosn.blogspot.com. Similar sarcastic blogs include www.ramziblahblah.blogspot.com and www.anecdotesfromabananarepublic.blogspot.com.

46 www.jamalghosn.blogspot.com/2006/08/hal-balad.html#links.

47Art blogs: www.laureghorayeb.blogspot.com, www.thelebanese.blogspot.com. Blogs in Arabic: www.blogspot-light.blogspot.com, www.satrewaya.blogspot.com, www.mysteriouseve.blogspot.com.

48 M. M. Bakhtin, The Dialogical Imagination (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002).

49 Doostdar, "The Vulgar Spririt of Blogging: On Language, Culture and Power in Persian Weblogistan," 654.

50 Bakhtin, quoted in Vice, Introducing Bakhtin, 20.

51 See for example www.lebanonupdates.blogspot.com, www.ecocampaigner.blogspot.com and www.siegeoflebanon.blogspot.com.

52 www.lebanonheartblogs.blogspot.com.

53 www.myspace.com is a popular social networking Web site offering an interactive, user-submitted network of friends, personal profiles, blogs, photos, music, and videos.

54 www.Lebanesebloggers.blogspot.com/2006/09/little-introspection.html.

55 Hudson, "On the Influence of the Intellectual in Arab Politics and Policymaking," 84.

 

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